Thursday, May 31, 2007

McChurch - Rise of the Neo-Evangelical in American Politics

Rise of the Neo-Evangelical

Writer Hanna Rosin has just completed a book due out in September on Patrick Henry College, God's Harvard: A Christian College on a Mission to Save America. She recently published an Op Ed piece in the Washington Post on the rise of a new generation of Evangelicals involved in politics. Monica Goodling, the young Turk from Messiah College and Regent University Law School who played a key role in the firing of a number of U.S. Attorneys, was showcased as representative of this new generation.

Rosin’s article raises many interesting questions. If we are to take her position as authoritative, we may need to create a category of political activism – “neo-evangelical.” Rosin points to the derisive characterizations of Evangelicals by comic Bill Maher as the standard against which this generation of “well-scrubbed, Harvard-like Christians” is publicly measured. How relevant that is may be up for grabs.

My suspicion is that the media is just waking up. The fact is that “well-scrubbed, Harvard-like Christians” have always been in administrative positions in government, albeit somewhat in the closet.

Having said that, however, there are several reactions to the Rosin piece that are in order.

First, to run through the gauntlet of indoctrination prevalent in fundamentalist Christian education requires an incredible facility for bureaucratic survival and an ability to shut down, or at least compartmentalize, critical thinking. “Good soldiers” might be an appropriate term. Good soldiers rarely make good generals.

Where Christian schools shine are the few instances of classical education with a Christian distinctive rather than Christian education with a classical distinctive.

Messiah College and Regent University would not, in my thinking, be institutions where classical education is emphasized over indoctrination. I would leave room, however, for the very real possibility that I may well have, in the characterization by Rosin of Pat Robertson, become irrelevant.

Secondly, while these “well-scrubbed, Harvard-like Christians” may toe the party line (primarily Republican), there is a Machiavellian streak in all of them that pays extreme homage to the will of authority, even to the extent of sacrificing one’s own principles.

This Machiavellian streak derives from an overwhelming need to preserve the "soul" of the institution. Terms such as "Christian nation," Christian school,” "Christian company" and "Christian marriage" are frequently employed.

At the end of the day, the neo-evangelical is the product of a system that honors no departure from the party line. While Robertson may have been put on the shelf by neo-evangelicals, his personality and agenda was very much alive in the education of Monica Goodling. To bow to his authority for even a month requires a strong propensity toward group-think.

As for Harvard, inertia is a wonderful thing, but it is not certain that Harvard has not, along with Pat Robertson, passed its zenith. If the best one can offer in this uncertain and dangerous world in which we live is either a Harvard degree or a Regent University degree, we may be in deep trouble…

Leadership in the arts, business, medicine, politics and religion emerges, not from training at Harvard, Messiah College or Regent University, but from a keen sense of timing and mission, a sense that made Pat Robertson a legend in his own time and mind.

It would be well not to forget that Bill Gates jettisoned college after one semester in order to respond to both timing and mission…

Stan Moody is the author of "Crisis in Evangelical Scholarship" and "McChurched: 300 Million Served and Still Hungry

Wednesday, May 30, 2007

McChurch - Hitting Hard: Michelangelo Signorile on George W. Bush, Mary Cheney, Gay Marriage, Tom Cruise, the Christian Right and Sexual Hypocrisy in America


Hitting Hard: Michelangelo Signorile on George W. Bush, Mary Cheney, Gay Marriage, Tom Cruise, the Christian Right and Sexual Hypocrisy in America
For over two decades, Michelangelo Signorile has been among the most outspoken and controversial critics of American politics and culture. As a gay activist and journalist, he earned acclaim as the father of the "outing" phenomenon. Today, he remains one of the most widely read and talked about gay muckrakers. In Hitting Hard (Signorile's first new book since his national bestseller, Outing Yourself), the author tackles the most heated topics of debate among gay people and the political left.

Customer Review: Signorile does it again.

I have a great deal of admiration and respect for this man. I think he is intellectually honest and pulls no punches. Always enjoy his take on topics and people he writes about.

Customer Review: National treasure

Once again, Michele Signorile has put out a collection of articles that express -- clearly, elegantly, wittily and pertinently -- the best thinking on gay issues being thought today. With Larry Kramer and a few others, he has been the voice of sane homosexuality for quite some time, saying things that should long ago not have needed to be said -- but wow! the attention span does seem to get shorter every day. I hope, therefore, that he will continue to say them as often and as copiously as he deems necessary, and for many years to come. I most seriously urge every gay man in America (and elsewhere too) to read him and to LISTEN. He really knows what he is talking about --and there are truly not many men around these days, in any sphere, about whom one can say the same! I do not know him, but I love him. He is a national treasure. Long may he flourish. I eagerly await his every article and his next book.

Richard Miller


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The demographics of a movement. (Christian Right) (Christian Right Special Report): An article from: Campaigns & Elections This digital document is an article from Campaigns & Elections, published by Campaigns & Elections, Inc. on September 1, 1994. The length of the article is 1255 words. The page length shown above is based on a typical 300-word page. The article is delivered in HTML format and is available in your Amazon.com Digital Locker immediately after purchase. You can view it with any web browser.

From the supplier: Nearly one-third of Americans consider themselves born-again Christians and this group is more diverse than many would assume. Blacks make up a substantial percentage of born again Christians and account for most of the liberal Democratic leanings found within the born again community. Excluding blacks, the born again Christian community is populated mainly by white, conservative, Southern, middle income Republicans and independents.

Citation Details
Title: The demographics of a movement. (Christian Right) (Christian Right Special Report)
Author: William Hamilton
Publication: Campaigns & Elections (Refereed)
Date: September 1, 1994
Publisher: Campaigns & Elections, Inc.
Volume: v15 Issue: n9 Page: p28(2)

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McChurch and OPS - "Other People's Sins"

McChurch and OPS – “Other People’s Sins”

I am sick to death of this running argument as to whether or not homosexuality is a sin…Who cares? Isn't there enough sin to go around for everybody? It has become a favorite pastime of some to grade sins by the number of times they are mentioned in the Bible…In that case, I guess that self-righteousness ranks at the top…

The Church of Jesus Christ has lost its theology of sin...If McChurch were to preach the Gospel, there would be no issue with "sins," as we all are infected...The doctrine of OPS (other people's sins) comes to the forefront when we have glossed over our own...This is almost too elemental to mention...

Homosexuality and abortion, being closet "sins" among Evangelicals, become attractive targets because of the illusion that they are rampant only outside the church...Notice that divorce and TV addiction fly beneath the radar these days...That is because the church is infected with both to the same degree as is the rest of our culture but knows it...

If anyone wants to find homosexuality in the church, you need go no further than the Gospel music industry (an oxymoron of infinite proportions)..."Rife" would not be too strong a word...

While McChurch is in denial about its own sin, it focuses on the sins of those thought to be uniquely outside the church...This follows a pattern of church culture - from legalism, to self-righteousness, to liberalism...

You might be inclined to protest at this point by saying that the evangelical church is not liberal but that it has "merged" with the Republican Party...My response would be, "How much more liberal could the church become than to replace the Gospel with a fake political ideology?"

I speak from training and experience - an evangelical theologian and pastor who has been elected three times to public office, both as a Republican and a Democrat...

I have been around long enough to know that McChurch is a self-imposed ghetto culture that finds its security, not in the Christ of the Gospel, but in its own reinforcement, the latest of which is numbers of attendees...Tell someone that you are a pastor, and the first thing out of their mouths is, “How many people in your congregation?”

A little-discussed Christian principle is ignored: "If they are all going in that direction, it has to be wrong!" Remember that old message, "Broad is the way that leads to destruction/narrow is the way that leads to life?"

Get off the "God Bless America" kick and its idolatry of prosperity and worldly success and get onto the dynamic presence of the Kingdom of God in the life of the believer and the community of the faithful...

(Stan Moody, an evangelical Baptist minister and founder of the Christian Policy Institute http://www.christianpolicyinstitute.org/, has served in the Maine House of Representatives as both a Republican and a Democrat. Dr. Moody is the author of several provocative books, including Crisis in Evangelical Scholarship and McChurched: 300 Million Served and Still Hungry. Pastor of a rural country church in Central Maine, Moody has enjoyed a long and productive career in small business development and management.)

Tuesday, May 29, 2007

McChurch - Stations of the Cross: Adorno and Christian Right Radio. (Reviews/Comptes Rendus). (book review): An article from: Labour/Le Travail


Stations of the Cross: Adorno and Christian Right Radio. (Reviews/Comptes Rendus). (book review): An article from: Labour/Le Travail
This digital document is an article from Labour/Le Travail, published by Canadian Committee on Labour History on September 22, 2001. The length of the article is 948 words. The page length shown above is based on a typical 300-word page. The article is delivered in HTML format and is available in your Amazon.com Digital Locker immediately after purchase. You can view it with any web browser.

Citation Details
Title: Stations of the Cross: Adorno and Christian Right Radio. (Reviews/Comptes Rendus). (book review)
Author: Judy Haiven
Publication: Labour/Le Travail (Refereed)
Date: September 22, 2001
Publisher: Canadian Committee on Labour History
Page: 302(2)

Article Type: Book Review

Distributed by Thomson Gale


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God, land, and politics: The Wise Use and Christian Right connection in 1992 Oregon politics

Monday, May 28, 2007

McChurch - Journalist aims to expose 'facism' of Christian right.(Nation): An article from: National Catholic Reporter


Journalist aims to expose 'facism' of Christian right.(Nation): An article from: National Catholic Reporter
This digital document is an article from National Catholic Reporter, published by National Catholic Reporter on April 1, 2005. The length of the article is 687 words. The page length shown above is based on a typical 300-word page. The article is delivered in HTML format and is available in your Amazon.com Digital Locker immediately after purchase. You can view it with any web browser.

Citation Details
Title: Journalist aims to expose 'facism' of Christian right.(Nation)
Author: Rebecca Beyer
Publication: National Catholic Reporter (Magazine/Journal)
Date: April 1, 2005
Publisher: National Catholic Reporter
Volume: 41 Issue: 22 Page: 8(1)

Distributed by Thomson Gale


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The Christians's right to bear arms

McChurch - Cafeteria-Style Interpretation of Scripture

May 24, 2007

'Evangelical' and 'conservative' surely not always the same

By Charlie Mitchell
The Vicksburg Post

The writer, Charlie Mitchell, is indeed a bit out of touch with religious motivation…Falwell’s approach was Hegelian in the sense that he wrenched Evangelicals from apathy to sectarian activism…Now, true to form, we are reaching synthesis…

What he misses, however, is that the element that has given rise to McChurch and its merger with the Republican Party has always and will always be present…It is just that other voices are being heard because they are tired of being represented by the Billy Bobs from Maine to California…

Falwell was a product of the American Dream ethic of prosperity and success…That is, if it is financially successful, God must be in it…The end, then, justifies the means…God has blessed America, the thinking goes, because of its championship, not of equal rights, but of Judeo/Christian values…

They got it wrong…God, you see, is the true champion, not of Judeo/Christian values but of how those values are translated into action, i.e. equal rights... “The rain falls on the just and the unjust.” So also it is with the sunshine…

The distinction between the Christian Right and the mainstream Evangelical is as clear as the distinction between the covenants…It goes to the interpretation of Scripture…One reads Scripture literally, cafeteria style; the other reads it contextually, Kingdom of God style…

Stan Moody is the author of "Crisis in Evangelical Scholarship" and "McChurched: 300 Million Served and Still Hungry

VICKSBURG - The death of Dr. Jerry Falwell has given rise to discussion of increasing differences among so-called Christians as to what their faith requires.

On one side of the divide are those whose reading of the Bible led them, like Falwell, to take strict positions against abortion, homosexuality, pornography and banning school prayer and to voice those beliefs in the voting booth, demanding that government have a strong voice on topics.

On the other side of the divide are those whose reading of the Bible has led them to define sin much the same as the Falwell evangelicals do, but believe that reaching out to sinners, individually, and to those in need is what they were commanded to do.

Where they differ is how to entice people to act in their own best interests.

It's more than a little daring for a secular columnist to write on religion - but the fact is Falwell was a key person in changing from passive to active the involvement of the faithful in public policy. He's fair game and invited scrutiny of his ministry.

It was about 30 years ago when Falwell, as pastor of Virginia's Thomas Road Baptist Church (which he started with 35 members and built to 24,000), founded what became the Moral Majority.

The idea was to get involved at the ground level of politics. The faithful were to meet with candidates and weigh them on values questions. Those who passed the test would get an endorsement and, at the national level, millions of votes.

This was not a new tactic. It was just that Christians hadn't really done this before, at least on such a large and well-publicized scale.

The growing discussion Falwell leaves in his wake is not about variations among Catholics, Episcopalians, Methodists, Presbyterians or any other faith. It is, rather, among the evangelicals themselves - the fastest-growing segment of Christianity in the United States.

It is about the fundamentals of fundamentalism, although there's a distinction between fundamentalists and evangelicals.

One of the more prominent spokesmen for the other side of the Christian coin is Dr. Tony Campolo of the Evangelical Association for the Promotion of Education, who often had debates with Falwell. Because Campolo is more in line with teachings about feeding the hungry, teaching the disadvantaged and opposing war and violence, he hasn't gotten nearly the media exposure the far more provocative Falwell did. But there's also no doubt that his take on what it means to be an active believer is gaining ground.

Falwell's Moral Majority cast its lot with the Republican Party. This has also meant that Democrats have come to be seen as the party without "values." Also, the terms "Christian" and "conservative" came to be regarded as synonyms. In evangelical churches large and small around Mississippi, however, there's been at least a whiff of change.

We're talking about country churches with dusty pickups in their parking lots and holy rollers inside concluding that how you treat your neighbors is more important than who's in the White House. We're talking evangelicals who believe war is immoral and who, while they don't like the fact there's an abortion clinic in their state, would rather work to create communities in which abortion wasn't chosen as opposed to making the choice illegal.

Falwell's real legacy, people say, will be through Liberty University, which he founded.

But the Campolo camp has a school, too. Those attending Eastern University in Pennsylvania are guided into Christian missions of service as much as elective office.

Falwell rose to prominence because he saw America was losing its heritage and he thought we needed leaders in high places to set things right. It's not exactly an either-or proposition, but the competing idea is that leadership in low places is just as important, if not more so.

Thursday, May 24, 2007

McChurch - The Fundamentals of Extremism: The Christian Right in America


The Fundamentals of Extremism: The Christian Right in America
The politics, educational policies, and social values perpetuated by Christian fundamentalists are exposed in this critical perspective on the religious right's role in American society. Statistics and studies of the movement are offered that provide insight into the causes and characteristics of fundamentalism and its effects on minority groups including women, children, African Americans, gays, and lesbians. Essays from a variety of authors consider the path to theocracy, the effect of the theology of inerrancy on politics, and the state of fundamentalism in the United States after the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks.

Customer Review: Extremes of Fundamentalism

This is an excellent, well researched and documented primer on the aims and tactics of the "Christian" right wing. I put "Christian" in quotes because I cannot believe that Jesus would be anything but horrified and disgusted with what they are trying to do in his name. How anyone can claim to believe that Jesus was the incarnation in human form of a loving God, while vehemently opposing nearly everything Jesus advocated, is beyond me. But the right-wing "Christian" push to turn America into a theocracy, forcing everyone else to live according to their dictates, is a clear and present danger to our religious freedom that everyone should be aware of. Read this book and encourage your friends to read it!

Customer Review: A thought-provoking counterpoint

I strongly encourage the thoughtful reader to consider this book alongside any of the sloppily-produced, poorly-edited, "these people are attempting to destroy our country" books produced by the far Christian right, for they are of exactly the same genre, and are born of the same unsympathetic fear of the other.



The authors apparently have no interest in understanding the lives and motivations of those whom they condemn; instead we find sweeping descriptions of the destructive intent and power of "Fundamentalists," in which the most extreme criminal acts are held up as representative and on to which are tacked -- an apparent afterthought -- half-hearted disclaimers that maybe this doesn't describe all Christians. The resemblance to similar books decrying the insidious plots of "secular humanists" is really quite uncanny.



This is not to say that the book doesn't contain some useful data and interesting opinions, but the wheat is so buried in a chaff of wild generalizations, unfounded conclusions, and outright factual errors, all couched in prose that often rivals the worst undergraduate essay, that the reader is left not knowing what to trust and what to discard.



This book will meet the needs of those who already believe that all conservative Christians are poorly-educated, sexually-repressed conspirators in a plot to overthrow democracy -- it will not unduly challenge your preconceptions. However, it contributes little to the genuine conversation and understanding that will be required to bridge the divide that such demonizing rhetoric has planted between people of good will on both ends of the political spectrum. If you're looking for a book that honestly represents the fundamentalist perspective, let this pass.


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Why the Christian Right Is Wrong: A Minister's Manifesto for Taking Back Your Faith, Your Flag, Your Future "I join the ranks of those who are angry, because I have watched as the faith I love has been taken over by fundamentalists who claim to speak for Jesus but whose actions are anything but Christian."
- Robin Meyers, from his "Speech Heard Round the World"

Millions of Americans are outraged at the Bush administration's domestic and foreign policies and even angrier that the nation's religious conservatives have touted these policies as representative of moral values. Why the Christian Right Is Wrong is a rousing manifesto that will ignite the collective conscience of all whose faith and values have been misrepresented by the Christian Right.

Praise for Why the Christian Right Is Wrong:

"In the pulpit, Robin Meyers is the new generation's Harry Emerson Fosdick, George Buttrick, and Martin Luther King. In these pages, you will find a stirring message for our times, from a man who believes that God's love is universal, that the great Jewish prophets are as relevant now as in ancient times, and that the Jesus who drove the money changers from the Temple may yet inspire us to embrace justice and compassion as the soul of democracy. This is not a book for narrow sectarian minds; read it, and you will want to change the world."
-Bill Moyers

"In this book, a powerful and authentic religious voice from America's heartland holds up a mirror to the Bush administration and its religious allies. The result is a vision of Orwellian proportions in which values are inverted and violence, hatred, and bigotry are blessed by one known as 'The Prince of Peace,' who called us to love our enemies. If you treasure this country and tremble over its present direction, this book is a must-read!"
-John Shelby Spong author, The Sins of Scripture: Exposing the Bible's Texts of Hate to Reveal the God of Love

"This is a timely warning and a clarion call to the church to recover the Gospel of Jesus Christ and to a great nation to resist the encroachment of the Christian Right and of Christian fascism. Many of us in other parts of the world are praying fervently that these calls will be heeded."
-Archbishop Desmond Tutu
Customer Review: Great Insight
This author expresses eloquently and with rational clarity why we "leftward" leaning Christians are so uncomfortable with the unrighteous dealings from the religious right. Well spoken, no minced words, forthright, and full of truth. A worthwhile read for thinking Christians and those who are not Christians and have been hurt by the actions of the religious right.
Customer Review: A Book Not To Be Missed
After the 2004 election, "when half the country felt clinically depressed about the reelection of George W. Bush," Robin Meyers, pastor of Mayflower Congregational UCC Church in Oklahoma City, at the behest of students at the University of Oklahoma, gave a speech to protest the war in Iraq. While his speech reads extremely well, it must have so much better heard live. It is broken up essentially into sentences that begin with "when you," and ends with "you are doing something immoral." Here is one example:

"When you cause most of the rest of the world to hate a country that
was once the most loved country in the world and act as if it doesn't
matter what others think of us, only what God thinks of you, you have
done something immoral."

Reverend Meyers then takes his speech, sentence by sentence, and expounds further on it. With clear, thoughtful rhetoric, he makes his case that the Christian Right is in bed with (my image, not his) the Republican Party, "God's Own Party." He discusses what is wrong with Bush and the GOP's position on religion, the environment, the war in Iraq, civil rights, gay rights, tax breaks for the very rich, the death penalty, etc.

Meyers reminds the reader that this administration is the first "ever not to voluntarily add a single species to the endangered species list," and that the U. S. supplied Saddam Hussein with "poison gas, military advisors, and arms. . . in the 1980s" and that Rumsfeld shook his hand in 1983. Reverend Meyers' discussion on what has been done to language in this country (for example, the term "collateral damage") is frightening beyond words; and again he reminds us that George Orwell's 1984 may be the most prophetic book written in the twentieth century.

Meyers in the final pages of this book exhorts the reader to take back this country and tells us what we must do. He urges us to join nonviolent resistance groups, vote out warmongering politicians, get concerned about the environment, and stop spending on "stuff" we do not need. (After all, when Bush sends volunteer soldiers to fight, he urges the rest of us to go shopping.) Finally, he reminds us that the Religious Right does not have a monopoly on Jesus and that we should judge churches by the Sermon on the Mount, rather than their size and location.

Both Bill Moyers and John Selby Spong, two men whose credentials on morality and values are (in my opinion) impeccable, have endorsed this really fine book; they are certainly right about both this most decent man and his book.

Tuesday, May 22, 2007

McChurch - The Transformation of the Christian Right


The Transformation of the Christian Right
Customer Review: Finally, something on the Christian Right!

This book was very informative. At last I can have a good book to read about the Christian Right (my favorite subject). This is not something you should defenestrate.


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Stations of the Cross: Adorno and Christian Right Radio For all that's been written in recent years about the Christian Coalition, Promise Keepers, and other conservative evangelical movements in the United States, perhaps the most important institution among them--James Dobson's enormously popular radio program Focus on the Family--has not received its due from secular observers. Paul Apostolidis hopes to change that with Stations of the Cross. This is an academic treatment, and the first chapter begins with a deadening line: "Marx famously concluded his Theses on Feuerbach by declaring..." Yet there's plenty of rich thought on these pages for readers interested in the Christian Right and willing to plow their way through some jargon.

In a useful introduction, Apostolidis describes Dobson's rise and appeal: he's not a Pat Robertson or Jimmy Swaggart-like figure, but a bestselling child psychologist who devotes much of his airtime to parenting advice rather than politics or sermonizing. In addition, his "almost complete avoidance of the medium of television has been instrumental to his image as the one conservative evangelical leader with class and a clear conscience." Apostolidis is certainly no fan of Dobson's--this is a left-wing critique, and at times an extremely negative one. Yet he strives for objectivity. Even when he's discussing something he clearly finds troubling--such as Dobson's views on "curing" homosexuals--he doesn't resort to a condescending tone of irreligious judgment. He does, however, suggest that Dobson's rhetoric of Christian compassion is out of step with a politics of rolling back the welfare state and battling racial preferences. And, interestingly, he proposes overcoming Christian conservatism not with secularism, but with a form of liberal religiosity. There's a more accessible book to be written on this subject, but the analysis in Stations of the Cross is original enough to make it worth reading, especially by followers of People for the American Way and similar organizations. --John J. Miller

Monday, May 21, 2007

McChurch - Gearing Up for a New Round of Prosperity

The New York Times


May 21, 2007

Emphasis Shifts for New Breed of Evangelicals

By MICHAEL LUO and LAURIE GOODSTEIN

As the old Titans pass, their multi-million $ enterprises will pass on to sons and daughters, most of whom lack the fire in their bellies for a good fight…I was surprised to learn that there is a Jerry Falwell Jr. The pastor-son of Schuller is a rather tragic figure…Billy Graham’s son will never have the passion necessary to turn the crank…Let’s hope that Pat Robertson leaves his empire to charity – a fitting end to this rock star for Jesus…

Can folks like Rich Warren change the dynamic to an engaged McChurch? The problem is not one of “can” they; it is one of “will” they, and the answer is that they will if it suits their purpose of fulfilling the American Dream ethic of prosperity and success…

The teaching from the Sermon on the Mount that in our weakness is God’s strength runs absolutely contrary to evangelical pop-Christian enterprise…

Stan Moody is the author of "Crisis in Evangelical Scholarship" and "McChurched: 300 Million Served and Still Hungry

The evangelical Christian movement, which has been pivotal in reshaping the country’s political landscape since the 1980s, has shifted in potentially momentous ways in recent years, broadening its agenda and exposing new fissures.

The death of the Rev. Jerry Falwell last week highlighted the fact that many of the movement’s fiery old guard who helped lead conservative Christians into the embrace of the Republican Party are aging and slowly receding from the scene. In their stead, a new generation of leaders who have mostly avoided the openly partisan and confrontational approach of their forebears have become increasingly influential.

Typified by megachurch pastors like the Rev. Rick Warren of Saddleback Church in Orange County, Calif., and the Rev. Bill Hybels of Willow Creek Community Church outside Chicago, the new breed of evangelical leaders — often to the dismay of those who came before them — are more likely to speak out about more liberal causes like AIDS, Darfur, poverty and global warming than controversial social issues like abortion and same-sex marriage.

But the conservative legacy of the religious right persists, and abortion continues to be a defining issue, even a litmus test, for most evangelicals, including younger ones, according to interviews and survey data.

“The abortion issue is going to continue to be a unifying factor among evangelicals and Catholics,” said the Rev. Leith Anderson, president of the National Association of Evangelicals, who is often held up as an example of the new model of conservative Christian leaders. “That’s not going to go away.”

The persistence of abortion as a core concern for evangelical voters, who continue to represent a broad swath of the Republican base, could complicate efforts by Rudolph W. Giuliani, who has been leading the Republican presidential field in nationwide polls, to get primary voters to move past the issue and accept his support for abortion rights. The broader impact that the changing evangelical leadership may have on politics appears to be just beginning. Many evangelicals remain uneasy about the other leading Republican contenders, Mitt Romney, because of his Mormon faith and his past support for abortion rights, and Senator John McCain of Arizona, who has long had a tenuous relationship with conservative Christians.

The evangelical movement, however, is clearly evolving. Members of the baby boomer generation are taking over the reins, said D. G. Hart, a historian of religion. The boomers, he said, are markedly different in style and temperament from their predecessors and much more animated by social justice and humanitarianism. Most of them are pastors, as opposed to the heads of advocacy groups, making them more reluctant to plunge into politics to avoid alienating diverse congregations.

“I just don’t see in the next generation of so-called evangelical leaders anyone as politically activist-minded” as Mr. Falwell, the Rev. Pat Robertson or James C. Dobson, he said.

Mr. Warren, 53, who wrote the spiritual best seller “The Purpose-Driven Life,” has dedicated much of the past few years to mobilizing evangelicals to eradicate AIDS in Africa. Even so, he remains theologically and socially quite conservative. He tempers the sharper edges of his beliefs with a laid-back style (his usual Sunday best is a Hawaiian shirt). Although he does not speak from the pulpit about politics, he sent a letter before the 2004 presidential election to pastors in a vast network who draw advice from him, urging them to weigh heavily “nonnegotiable” issues like abortion, stem cell research and same-sex marriage from a biblical perspective.

Mr. Warren, along with Mr. Hybels, 55, and several dozen other evangelical leaders, signed a call to action last year on climate change. The initiative brought together more mainstream conservative Christian leaders with prominent liberal evangelicals, such as the Rev. Jim Wallis of Sojourners and the Rev. Ronald J. Sider of Evangelicals for Social Action, who have long championed progressive causes. Notably absent from the list of signatories were several old lions of the Christian right, some of whom were openly critical of the effort: Mr. Falwell; Mr. Robertson, 77; and Mr. Dobson, 71, founder of Focus on the Family.

Another evangelical standard-bearer who did not sign the statement was Charles W. Colson, 75, founder of Prison Fellowship Ministries, who said in an interview that there were many environmental groups behind the statement that were hostile to evangelical causes. Nevertheless, he said he appreciated the direction that younger evangelical leaders are taking the movement.

“What’s happening today is the evangelical movement is growing up,” he said. “The evangelical political conscience today is much more sophisticated than it was in the early ’80s.”

The Rev. Joel C. Hunter, 59, a Florida megachurch pastor who signed the climate change statement, stepped down last year as the president-elect of the Christian Coalition over what he said was resistance among members of the organization’s board to expanding its concerns beyond the usual social issues. He has been active in encouraging evangelicals to speak out on issues like global poverty, and signed on this month to an evangelical declaration on immigration reform that called for a path to citizenship for illegal immigrants. He is critical of the tactics and rhetoric employed by the old religious right.

Despite the changes in the movement, Mr. Hunter predicted that Mr. Giuliani would not garner much of the evangelical vote because of his liberal views on social issues.

“There always will be in the evangelical movement a strong identification with what we call the traditional moral issues — abortion, marriage between a man and a woman, addiction to pornography,” he said.

A poll conducted this year by the Pew Research Center showed that white evangelical Protestants have similar concerns to other Americans, including the war in Iraq, education and the economy, but a far greater percentage continue to cite tackling the “moral breakdown” in society as a key priority. They remain solidly Republican.

“While I think a lot of their leaders have begun to talk about other things, like Darfur and the environment, this remains a pretty social conservative group in some respects,” said Andrew Kohut, president of the Pew Research Center. “There doesn’t seem to me to be any sign of a sea change.”

Indeed, the survey showed that fewer evangelicals assigned top priority to protecting the environment than did the overall population, and that roughly the same number of evangelicals identified alleviating poverty as a top priority as did the general population. Meanwhile, evangelicals identified reducing illegal immigration as a priority at a much greater percentage than the population as a whole.

In a separate survey in 2004, John C. Green, a senior fellow at the Pew Forum on Religion and Public Life, however, placed evangelicals into three camps — traditionalist, centrist and modernist — based on the how rigidly they adhered to their beliefs and their willingness to adapt them to a changing world. The traditionalists are evangelicals who are usually labeled as the Christian right, while the centrists might be represented by the newer breed of evangelical leaders, who remain socially and theologically quite conservative but have mostly sought to avoid politics. The two camps are roughly the same size, each representing 40 to 50 percent of the total.

Experts agree, though, that the centrist camp is growing. Estimates of the number of evangelicals nationwide vary, depending on how they are counted and how the term is defined, but Mr. Green put it at 26.3 percent of Americans.

The full electoral implications of the shift that is occurring in the movement will likely unfold over the next decade or more, several religious experts and activists said, as opposed to in this next presidential election cycle.

“I think we’re talking about a 20-year effect,” said Andy Crouch, an editor at Christianity Today.

The tremors of change are, nevertheless, detectable, especially among younger evangelicals. Many are intrigued by Senator Barack Obama, Democrat of Illinois, who has demonstrated the ability to speak convincingly about his faith on the campaign trail, as a presidential candidate.

“The person I just hear about all the time is Obama because he is seen as spiritually serious, even if people know he’s really kind of a liberal Christian,” Mr. Crouch said.

Gabe Lyons, 32, is emblematic of the transformation among many younger evangelicals. He grew up in Lynchburg, Va., attending Mr. Falwell’s church. But he has shied away from politics. Instead, he heads the Fermi Project, a loose “collective” dedicated to teaching evangelicals to shape culture through other means, including media and the arts.

“I believe politics just isn’t as important to younger evangelicals as it has been for the older generations because we recognize from experience that politics does not shape the morality of a culture,” he said. “It simply reflects what the larger culture wants.”

There are other signs of attitude changes among younger evangelicals. Recent surveys conducted by the Barna Group show that younger “born again” Christians are more accepting of homosexuality than older ones and are less resistant to affording gays equal rights. But on abortion, they remain almost as conservative as their parents — more fodder for both political parties to weigh as they consider the future.

Sunday, May 20, 2007

McChurch - Standing on the Premises of God: The Christian Right's Fight to Redefine America's Public Schools.(Review)(Brief Article): An article from: Journal of Church and State


Standing on the Premises of God: The Christian Right's Fight to Redefine America's Public Schools.(Review)(Brief Article): An article from: Journal of Church and State
This digital document is an article from Journal of Church and State, published by J.M. Dawson Studies in Church and State on September 22, 2000. The length of the article is 544 words. The page length shown above is based on a typical 300-word page. The article is delivered in HTML format and is available in your Amazon.com Digital Locker immediately after purchase. You can view it with any web browser.

Citation Details
Title: Standing on the Premises of God: The Christian Right's Fight to Redefine America's Public Schools.(Review)(Brief Article)
Author: David John Marley
Publication: Journal of Church and State (Refereed)
Date: September 22, 2000
Publisher: J.M. Dawson Studies in Church and State
Volume: 42 Issue: 4 Page: 874

Article Type: Book Review, Brief Article

Distributed by Thomson Gale


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Globalizing Family Values: The Christian Right in International Politics With little fanfare and profound effect, "family values" have gone global, and the influence of the Christian Right is increasingly felt internationally. This is the first comprehensive study of the Christian Right's global reach and its impact on international law and politics.

Doris Buss and Didi Herman explore tensions, contradictions, victories, and defeats for the Christian Right's global project, particularly in the United Nations. The authors consult Christian Right materials, from pamphlets to novels; conduct interviews with people in the movement; and provide a firsthand account of the World Congress of Families II in 1999, a key event in formulating Christian Right global policy and strategy.

The result is a detailed look at a new global player-its campaigns against women's rights, population policy, and gay and lesbian rights; its efforts to build an alliance of orthodox faiths with non-Christians; and the tensions and strains as it seeks to negotiate a role for conservative Christianity in a changing global order.

Doris Buss is assistant professor of law at Carleton University in Ottawa. Didi Herman is professor of law at Keele University in the United Kingdom.

Saturday, May 19, 2007

McChurch - The Post-Falwell Era

Framing the Abortion Debate for the Post-Falwell Era

By:

Stan Moody

Stan Moody, an evangelical Baptist minister and founder of the Christian Policy Institute, has served in the Maine House of Representatives as both a Republican and a Democrat. Dr. Moody is the author of several provocative books, including, "Crisis in Evangelical Scholarship" and "McChurched: 300 Million Served and Still Hungry." Pastor of a rural country church in Central Maine, Moody has enjoyed a long and productive career in small business development and management.

May 19, 2007

Upon his anti-climatic death (alone in his office after breakfast), the nation has been riveted on the impact of the life and ministry of Rev. Jerry Falwell. Strangely devoid of mourning, this national musing has taken on the nature of a balanced debate over “…the good, the bad and the ugly.”

I am reminded of the words of the Apostle Paul, “Very rarely will anyone die for a righteous man, though for a good man someone might possibly dare to die” (Rom 5:7 NIV). No one, however, seems willing to fall on his sword in declaring Falwell either righteous or good.

By consensus, it is clear that Falwell’s death marks the passing of an era, but which era and toward what end occupies the minds of many pundits. Of all his crusades, and there were many, the one that stands above the rest is the abortion debate – the agenda that moved him from the church to political activism within the church. Roe v. Wade gave rise to Jerry Falwell and The Moral Majority morphed into the Christian Right.

Some have accused Rev. Falwell of abandoning the Gospel for the Republican Party. That is a sore temptation, indeed, but merely begs the question, “What was his contribution?”

Of all the tributes and detractions I have read over the past few days, the one that stands out is that of a professor of government at Colby College in Waterville, Maine. The thrust of his argument was that Dr. Falwell enhanced the cause of Democracy by getting Evangelicals out of their secure spiritual ghettos and into the public arena.

I chided this distinguished professor by reminding him that America is not a Democracy but a Constitutional Republic and that he had missed altogether the contribution that Dr. Falwell has made to the social activism debate. While both are representative forms of government (“of the people, by the people and for the people”), a Constitutional Republic is distinguished from a Democracy in its protection of minority groups from the tyranny of the majority.

Falwell, through a decided ignorance of the great American experiment in equality and justice for all, promoted apartheid not only among people of faith but among Americans of all stripes. His was the successful mobilization of Spiro Agnew's "Silent Majority" with a biblical twist.

Clearly, the author was correct. Rev. Falwell did indeed enhance the cause of Democracy. In so doing, however, he injured the cause of our Constitutional Republic by advocating a theocratic government through Christian nationalism. The mobilization of Evangelicals to the Republican Party was a populist movement intended to elevate certain moral and ethical beliefs over the individual rights of those practicing alternative, albeit controversial, lifestyles.

If his downside was to capitalize on our American moment of ethical confusion, what, then, was his contribution?

I believe his contribution was in an area that even he may not have understood. It takes its focus from the abortion debate, symptomatic of the social and moral slump into which America had drifted through the elevation of the individual over community. He forced us to face the strength of our national heritage that no choice is made in a vacuum.

In that sense, he unwittingly promoted the wisdom of the Founding Fathers – “out of many, one.”

The truth with which he left us was that we cannot divorce our choices from our standing within our spheres of influence and even our nation. By raising the abortion issue, he educated the nation that we cannot divorce a fetus from its mother (pro-life), nor can we divorce a mother from her fetus (pro-choice). We can surgically separate them, but they are inextricably bound together in the context of a social contract at the root of the great American experiment.

As our political leaders continue to wrestle with the dichotomy within the abortion debate between personal conviction and public law, they might be better served to extend beyond the rhetoric of Rev. Jerry Falwell and Betty Freidan to advocating for “A Mother’s Right to Choose.”

Therein lies the resolution to the balance between individual rights and national ethics – that no matter what our choices, they are not made alone.

The heritage with which he left us, therefore, is not one of ethical and moral righteousness. Of that each of us is clearly incapable, and, by caveat, so also is our nation. It is, instead, the heritage of a nation bound together as an undeveloped fetus with its mother – dependent and expectant.

Stan Moody is the author of "Crisis in Evangelical Scholarship" and "McChurched: 300 Million Served and Still Hungry

McChurch - With a Mandate from God?(The Fundamentals of Extremism: The Christian Right in America)(Book Review): An article from: Conscience


With a Mandate from God?(The Fundamentals of Extremism: The Christian Right in America)(Book Review): An article from: Conscience
This digital document is an article from Conscience, published by Catholics for a Free Choice on December 22, 2003. The length of the article is 1696 words. The page length shown above is based on a typical 300-word page. The article is delivered in HTML format and is available in your Amazon.com Digital Locker immediately after purchase. You can view it with any web browser.

Citation Details
Title: With a Mandate from God?(The Fundamentals of Extremism: The Christian Right in America)(Book Review)
Author: Andrew Merton
Publication: Conscience (Magazine/Journal)
Date: December 22, 2003
Publisher: Catholics for a Free Choice
Volume: 24 Issue: 4 Page: 50(2)

Article Type: Book Review

Distributed by Thomson Gale


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All Iraqis Are Going to Hell!: George W. Bush and the Christian Right

Friday, May 18, 2007

McChurch - End of Abstinence?

Democrats say they will end abstinence-only funding

By Philip Turner - Religion News Service
Friday, May 18, 2007 - Web Link

This is tragic news for those who wear the abstinence bracelets...McChurch continues to insist that self-discipline is all we need to live the chaste life – with a little grace thrown in, of course…And, a little TV (4-6 hours a day of sexual imagery), and a little porn on the Net, and a little public school time (7 hours a day, 5 days a week, with the exception of a little prayer time), and a little “keeping up with the Joneses.”

Abstinence teaching doesn’t work, huh? I wonder if our children are too distracted?

And the Democrats? They want to reduce abortions by offering unlimited choice with no consequences...Denial is a wonderful thing, is it not?

Stan Moody is the author of "Crisis in Evangelical Scholarship" and "McChurched: 300 Million Served and Still Hungry

WASHINGTON — Congressional Democrats say they will pull the plug on abstinence-only sex education when a $50 million grant expires on June 30, a move sparking outrage among social conservative groups.

"As the House works to eliminate abstinence funding, their solution is simple — provide more pills that prevent and abort pregnancies," said Tony Perkins, president of the Family Research Council.

Perkins, in an e-mail to supporters, said Democrats are pushing a "radical agenda that few voters expected — or supported — when they propelled the Democrats to power."

Democrats would still include money for abstinence teachings in schools, but would combine it with comprehensive sex-ed programs that would teach about birth control and other safe sex methods.

States currently pay for abstinence-only education in public schools by matching $3 for every $4 they receive from the federal government.

STUDY: Abstinence classes don't stop sex

Congress initially approved the Title V funding as part of welfare reform.

Rep. John Dingell, D-Mich., chairman of the House Energy and Commerce Committee, said Wednesday that the decision to stop funding for the program wasn't difficult at all.

"Abstinence-only education seems to be a colossal failure," Dingell said, according to the Associated Press.

Dingell backed that statement with a recent study by Mathematica Policy Research Inc. that showed students in four abstinence-only education programs were equally likely to have sex at the same age as those not in abstinence programs.

"With all we know about how to prevent teen pregnancy and reduce sexually transmitted diseases, it is high time to redirect the millions of federal dollars that we squander every year on abstinence-only education to programs that actually work," said Rep. Diana DeGette, D-Colo., according to the AP.

Valerie Huber, executive director of the National Abstinence Education Association, said cutting Title V funding would rally supporters of abstinence education.

"It's a public health message that offers risk elimination for youth," she told the AP. "It's also consistent with what parents across America want for their youth."

A recent Zogby International Poll of 1,002 parents with children ages 10 to 16 found that 83% of them want their children to wait to have sex until they are married.

McChurch and the Falwell Legacy

The Rev. Falwell's legacy:
He strengthened democracy

Joseph R. Reisert Kennebec Journal & Morning SentinelFriday, May 18, 2007

Dr. Reisert...

For starters, we are a Republic, not a Democracy...A Republic bends to and gives voice to the rights of the minority; a Democracy is, essentially, majority rule...

You are correct, me thinks, that Falwell improved Democracy, which is not to say that he did not damage the Republic by attempting over the years to institute a theocratic regime through the "Moral Majority" redux.

Falwell, through a decided ignorance of the great American experiment in equality and justice for all, promoted apartheid not only among people of faith but among Americans of all stripes...His was the successful moblization of Spiro Agnew's "Silent Majority" with a biblical twist...

Yes, the evangelical public awakened to the process of government and the need to engage...Did they, however, distinguish themselves by seeking the strength of party politics?

Me thinks not...

Where the Christian Right made a great contribution was in raising debate over the social and moral slump into which America had drifted through the elevation of the individual over community...For the first time in our history, we now know, for example, that we cannot divorce a fetus from its mother, or vice versa...We can surgically separate them, but they are inextricably bound together if only in the context of a vague social contract...

That is, in my opinion, where Falwell made his greatest contribution...He called us to an acute awareness that our choices, if you will, are not made in a vacuum...If the Christian Right had applied that principle to such social contracts as marriage and citizenship, they might not have suffered so under the charge of hypocrisy...

Stan Moody is the author of "Crisis in Evangelical Scholarship" and "McChurched: 300 Million Served and Still Hungry


The Rev. Jerry Falwell, the founder of the Moral Majority, died this week.

Few individuals have done as much as Falwell to change the shape and direction of American politics in the 20th century. Whether you regard those changes as fundamentally positive or negative should depend not so much on whether you agree or disagree with the conservative policy positions Falwell championed, but on your understanding of democracy.

Before Falwell, fundamentalist Christians tended to stay away from politics, even to regard it as sinful. They tended not to vote, at least not in the same numbers as mainline Protestants, and they remained deliberately apart from the wider, public culture.

Falwell, however, concluded that this apolitical stance left traditional social and moral ideals vulnerable to legal and political assault. By all accounts, his decision to enter politics was precipitated by the Supreme Court's decision in Roe v. Wade. That 1973 ruling created a new, constitutional right to abortion and in one stroke invalidated the laws of 46 states which, until that time, either prohibited or restrictively regulated abortion.

Falwell founded the Moral Majority in 1979 to resist and, if possible, turn back the tide of activist liberalism that had so dramatically altered the social landscape of America in the 1960s and '70s.

Falwell's organization accomplished two remarkable political achievements: first, it persuaded millions of formerly apolitical fundamentalist Protestants to become active participants in the political life of the nation. Second, by embracing social conservatives from a variety of religious backgrounds, it enabled conservative Protestants, Catholics, and Jews to overcome their past suspicions and to discover their common political interests.

The overall effect was to mobilize a new, large constituency -- the "religious right" -- and to bring it over to the Republican party. As a consequence, the party enjoyed far more political success since the creation of the Moral Majority than it had at any time since the election of Franklin Roosevelt in 1932.

An evaluation of Falwell's life work must come down, then, to the question whether the rise of the religious right, which Falwell engineered, was a good thing or a bad thing for American democracy.

One view is that what is really valuable about democracy is that it is the only form of government that treats all citizens as morally equal to one another. Every citizen has the right to vote, and so, in principle, each of us has an equal influence on public policy. If more of us want, say, stricter environmental laws than oppose them, that's what we'll get; if not, not.

But according to this view, the ideal of moral equality also imposes limits to the kinds of policies any majority should be allowed to implement. In particular, it holds that the laws must leave individuals equally free to make their own moral decisions, whatever the political majority may favor at the moment. Hence the courts must stand ready to intervene, in order to guarantee "choice" on abortion, to eliminate the old prohibitions on indecency and obscenity, to eliminate from our laws the hint of any public support for religion and, in general, to prohibit the public endorsement of any one way of life as better than any other.

Defenders of this idea of democracy regard Falwell's influence on America politics as wholly malign. When, in 1981 the president of Yale, A. Bartlett Giamatti, sent a letter to the incoming freshmen class denouncing the "self-proclaimed Moral Majority," he focused his opposition on the organization's aim of enacting its own moral views into law and denounced it for being "absolutist in morality."

According to a less sophisticated but more profound understanding, however, democracy means majority rule. The laws should reflect what a majority of the people happen to want; the courts should intervene only to protect the people's traditional liberties from being infringed by legislative innovations.

The essence of democracy, on this view, is procedural, not substantive. It doesn't demand that we all accept the same philosophy of "moral equality" -- which is, in any case, just as absolutist in morality as any traditional, religious doctrine. Instead, it demands only that we all play the political game by the same rules.

At bottom, Falwell's achievement comes to this: he brought millions of previously alienated Americans to play the game of politics by the same rules as everyone else and thus strengthened our democracy. Which is why Democrats and Republicans alike will be honoring him in the same way this week: by seeking the votes of his former followers.

Joseph R. Reisert is associate professor of American Constitutional Law and chairman of the Department of Government at Colby College in Waterville.


Thursday, May 17, 2007

McChurch - Beyond the Wedge Issues??

Evangelical Voters May Be Up for Grabs in '08

By Barbara Bradley Hagerty - NPR, All Things Considered
Thursday, May 17, 2007 - Web Link

The fact is that Evangelical voters have always been up for grabs – grabbed by anything new and exciting in the world of pop-Christianity…

Do not think for one minute that McChurch will move beyond the wedge issues…It is the wedge issues that give voice to the myriads of disciples of cheap grace…You can get away with not knowing what you believe by zeroing in on the wedge issues…

Falwell perfected to an art form the strategy of appealing to the ignorant and the lazy…Instead of building on Christian doctrine, he appealed to fear, the antithesis of Christian life and practice…

Stan Moody is the author of "Crisis in Evangelical Scholarship" and "McChurched: 300 Million Served and Still Hungry

The death of the Rev. Jerry Falwell marks a changing of the guard for religious conservatives that has been under way for several years.

In the 1980s, Falwell mobilized millions of evangelicals. But today, younger Christians are becoming restive with the old style and focus. In fact, some pollsters say that more than 40 percent of white evangelical voters could be up for grabs in the 2008 election.

Beyond the Wedge Issues

Two months before he died, Falwell gave a televised sermon about global warming. It was vintage Falwell: grand, pugnacious and, he admitted, politically incorrect. Falwell said that the danger to society is not global warming, but the green movement itself. He worried particularly about evangelicals involved in the green movement: They were being distracted from moral concerns, such as abortion, gay marriage, violence and divorce.

"It is Satan's attempt to redirect the church's primary focus," Falwell said in March to his 22,000-person-strong congregation at the Thomas Road Baptist Church in Lynchburg, Va.

"I'm telling these guys they need to get off that kick," Falwell said, "because the idea is to divert your energies from the message and the mission and the vision of the church, to something less."

But change is afoot in the evangelical world. Comments from high-profile evangelical leaders like Falwell, Pat Robertson and James Dobson are no longer taken as gospel truth.

To get an idea of how far some evangelicals have traveled since Falwell's heyday, I visited Joel Hunter at his mega-church in Orlando, Fla. Hunter's vision of the "correct" evangelical view of the environment seems to come from a different continent — or a different God.

"Let me tell you one of the reasons I'm so keen on taking care of the environment," he told his 7,700-member church recently. "It's not just that it's beautiful, which it is. But it's the first order we had when we got put into the garden: Cultivate it and keep it."

Hunter is a new kind of evangelical: conservative about abortion and gay marriage, but also engaged in other issues, such as the environment. And he's leading his conservative flock in the same direction.

A Focus on the 'Compassion Issues'

On a recent Saturday morning, I arrived before 7 a.m. at Northland church. The "creation care" team was already assembled and zipping themselves into white HAZMAT suits. The nine church members would spend the next five hours sorting through a week's worth of rubbish generated by the church, picking through diapers, coffee filters, aluminum cans and the occasional pizza crust.

"If we want to reduce the church's waste stream, we have to know what's in it, and there's only one way of doing that," explained church member Raymond Randall as he pulled on white surgical gloves. "So we divide the trash into different parts of the church where it's generated, and then sort it into 35 different categories," such as paper, plastic and glass. The group then sorted through the smelly debris, looking for ways to reduce waste.

This is called "creation care," Randall told me — and it comes straight from the Bible.

"We're called to be good stewards of all of our resources," he said. "Our time, our money, our relationships, our talents that we have. And I think the church is realizing that includes our earthly resources as well."

Realtor Denise Kirsop confessed she was a little surprised to find herself recycling trash on a Saturday morning, rather than showing houses or riding her motorcycle. She said she has always been more conservative than green — until recently.

"A friend of mine suggested I join the group and I thought, 'What?!' I thought of environmental activists and I thought, 'I don't think that's a good fit,'" she said, laughing. "And then I started exploring it and praying about it. And the more I prayed about it, God revealed that this is a very strong passion for me."

And that newfound passion for the environment could tip an election — if these so-called swing evangelicals cast off their moorings and drift away from the Republican Party. For her part, Kirsop says neither party wins on the issues.

"I do look at same-sex marriage, at abortion, the war issues — and now I'll be looking at environmental issues in a different light," she said, adding that she could be persuaded to vote for a Democrat because they scored higher on the so-called compassion issues.

This band of jump-suited Christians would not call themselves revolutionaries. On social issues such as abortion and same-sex marriage, they're very conservative, as are most members — and the pastor — of Northland church. But their "green" tendencies reflect broader unrest among evangelicals about how Christians should live out their faith.

A Generational Shift

For years, groups like Focus on the Family, the Christian Coalition and the Family Research Council adopted a narrow strategy. They zeroed in on "below the belt issues" — abortion and more recently, homosexuality. Politically, it worked. Evangelicals overwhelmingly supported George W. Bush in 2000 and 2004. Northland Pastor Hunter says he hasn't changed his beliefs about pro-life issues one bit.

"The problem has become that we have paid so much attention to the human being in the womb that we have forgotten about the human being out of the womb," Hunter said. "It's become such a focus for some leaders that they don't want to address the other pro-life issues, such as climate change, such as poverty, such as AIDS."

Last year, the Christian Coalition asked Hunter to become its president. He agreed, as long as he could spotlight attention on non-sexual issues, such as the environment and poverty. At the last moment, both sides got cold feet and the union was called off.

It was an early test of what may be a coming generational shift. For years, Falwell, Robertson and Dobson dominated the Christian message. But now, some younger evangelicals are complaining that the old message focuses more on what Christians are against than on what they are for.

I got a sense of this at Northland church, talking with Robert Andrescik, 35. He observed that Jesus spoke far more of helping the sick and the poor than he did of sexual morality. And the people Jesus rebuked were not the sinners, but the religious leaders.

"The message there is, if we're living it, and we are compassionate ourselves, that will draw people unto God more than these vitriolic sort of attacks," he said. "If we're going to be like Christ, we have to embrace these compassion issues."

In fact, polls show that a generation gap is emerging. Evangelicals under 35 say they are far more worried about the environment than their theological elders were, and more likely to favor bringing American troops home from Iraq. These younger evangelicals are looking for new role models who match them both in substance and in style. As I talked with people at Northland, one name came up repeatedly.

"I think Bono has done such an amazing job with helping us to see how we could be the generation that eliminates AIDS in Africa," Andrescik said, adding that he identifies far more with Bono, who is not an evangelical, than with the traditional leaders like Robertson or Dobson.

Wavering Political Allegiances

Now, lest you think Northland church is a hotbed of Democrats, let's be clear: Most of the people I interviewed outside the Sunday service — as well as most evangelicals nationally — voted Republican in years past and lean that way now. But several said their choices are bleak. George W. Bush is an evangelical, but so far, they say, there's no one in this election so far who is similarly in tune with their issues.

That creates a dilemma for Northland member Ruth Sapp, who was coming out of service on a recent Sunday morning.

"I still believe that same-sex marriage is not Biblical," she said. "So I wouldn't vote for someone who contradicted."

Ditto about abortion, she said. So what happens if all the candidates fall short on these moral issues?

"I wouldn't vote for anybody if that were the case," she said. "I guess I'd have to skip my vote for that go-around."

Voters like Sapp terrify the Republican Party — or at least they should, says Michael Cromartie, vice president of the Ethics and Public Policy Center in Washington, D.C.

"Depending on the candidates, it could well be the case that evangelicals say, 'We're just really frustrated with politics. We don't like the choices. We don't think Sen. Clinton is a good choice or Sen. Obama — but on our side, we're not really pleased with Mayor Guiliani. And you know what? We're not going to vote,'" he said. "And I'm sure there will be pollsters saying, 'Karl Rove thought 4 million staying home in 2000 was a lot. Well guess what? 12 million stayed home.'"

Cromartie doubts there will be such a large shift. But even if a small percentage of these new evangelicals stay home or vote Democratic, that could translate into a couple of million votes. Far less is needed to become president. In Florida, the home state of Northland church, George W. Bush won by 537 votes in the year 2000 — a small fraction of the worshippers streaming into the church on any given Sunday.